H5: Channel B contribution decays as the election approaches
Sponsor-paid slant in a Brazilian electoral poll has a future cost:
the election eventually arrives and returns a public, granular check
on the poll's headline numbers. The cheaper-to-fabricate margin is
Channel B (residual / fabrication) — the part of the slant that the
disclosed signal structure does not justify. As the election nears,
verification looms, and Channel B should be suppressed. The
quantity of interest is the sponsored_by × days_to_election
interaction after Channel A controls: a negative interaction (slant
larger far from the election, smaller near it) is the prediction.
Evidence strength: Mixed by AN-005 (2026-06-02). Without Channel A controls in place yet, the
sponsored_by × days_to_electionslope is +0.037 pp/day (SE 0.019, p = 0.054) — implied β ≈ +13 pp at 6 months out, +7 pp in the final week. Direction matches the verifiable-disclosure prediction; magnitude is economically large; significance is marginal and the spec does not yet separate Channel A from Channel B.
Theory
The framework is Polls as verifiable disclosure (theory.md §"Polls
as verifiable disclosure"). Crawford & Sobel (1982)
cheap-talk baseline + Milgrom & Roberts (1986) verification-cost
extension applied to the election-day-verification structure. The
sender chooses slant magnitude τ subject to a cost
c(τ) × P(detection), where P(detection) is decreasing in
time-to-election. Detection cost is multi-channel: reputational
(a contradicted pollster loses future media commissions), regulatory
(LE.33.§4 criminalizes fabricated polls — detenção 6 mo – 1 yr +
multa), and commercial (the sponsor's party loses narrative control
if the poll is publicly refuted) [institutions.md §"Compliance and
sanctions"]. Channel A (theory.md §"Polls as Bayesian persuasion")
is essentially time-invariant because methodology choices are
committed at registration; the verifiability channel acts on
Channel B.
Prediction
The sponsored_by × days_to_election interaction, after Channel A
methodology controls, is positive (slant rises with distance to the
election). Polls in the final 1–2 weeks should show β^B ≈ 0; the
action is at the longer horizon, where detection is far off and
discounted.
Competing predictions
Bandwagon-incentive demand. The verifiable-disclosure story is a
cost-side claim. The bandwagon channel (theory.md §"Polls as
bandwagon triggers") makes the opposite prediction on the same
interaction: voter-side bandwagon returns are larger near the
election, so the sponsor's demand for slant is higher near the
election. The two effects pull in opposite directions on
days_to_election × sponsored_by. The observed sign discriminates;
a null is consistent with both operating and roughly cancelling.
Channel A residual. Even if methodology choices have to look more defensible closer to the verifiable event, design-driven slant could also decay with proximity. The clean Channel B identification requires Channel A controls (H3) to be in place. AN-005 does not yet absorb the methodology bundle, so the decay slope mixes Channel A and Channel B attenuation.
Prior research
Brazilian press postmortems of polls that missed late mayoral
results predominantly target late polls — the discrepancy is
newsworthy because verification is immediate — but no formal
estimate of the time gradient exists. ABEP industry-side commentary
names auto-financiamento as a "cover" channel for irregularidades,
institutional confirmation that non-verifiable polls accumulate
slant [stories.csv #077]. LE.33.§4 criminalizes fabricated polls
(detenção 6 mo – 1 yr + multa) [institutions.md §"Compliance and
sanctions"]; the penalty bites post-election, sharpening the
time-decay logic. The cheap-talk-with-verification template is
Crawford & Sobel (1982) sharpened by
Milgrom & Roberts (1986).
Evidence
| Analysis | Bearing | Key takeaway |
|---|---|---|
| AN-005 | Mixed | sponsored_by × days_to_election slope = +0.037 pp/day (SE 0.019, p = 0.054). Implied β rises from +7.00 pp at 7 days out to +13.41 pp at 180 days out — about half the headline β decays over the 6 months before the election. Direction matches verifiable disclosure; marginal significance and absence of Channel A controls keep this Mixed rather than Confirmed. |
Open tests
Decomposition after Channel A controls
The clean Channel B test re-estimates the sponsored_by × days_to_election interaction after absorbing the declared
methodology bundle (the H3 specification — see
H3). The Channel B prediction is that the
interaction survives the methodology controls; if it collapses,
the decay is Channel A, not Channel B. Blocked on the
poll_methodology LLM extractor queued in
pipelines/politica/docs/todo.md.
Sample-split estimator
A two-bin estimator (last-month polls vs early polls) rather than the continuous interaction would sharpen interpretability: directly report β_late and β_early with a difference test. Suggested follow-up in AN-005.
Sponsor-route heterogeneity
Interacting the decay slope with sponsor route (CPF, committee, party) would tell us which sponsor types let slant decay most. Hypothesis from AN-005: Route B (committees) — professional staff with verification awareness.
2022 cycle extension
p = 0.054 is borderline. The 2022 cycle would add time-to-election variation and candidates, with negligible additional Channel A ambiguity since the design carries over.
Supporting analyses
β × days_to_election slope = +0.037 pp/day (p=0.054). Polls 6 months out are slanted by ~13 pp; polls in the final week by ~7 pp. Slant shrinks toward the election as verification looms — direction matches the verifiable-disclosure prediction.