From the shell side, the dominant pattern is tight 1-to-1 with one pollster (8 of 14 shells route ≥80% of their polls through a single pollster; median 85%). From the pollster side, only 2 of those 8 pairings are reciprocally tight (VS Publicidade ↔ Publi. QC, FacUnicamps ↔ IPOP) — the other 6 pollsters operate diverse sponsor portfolios with 8–34 distinct sponsors per pollster, using the shell as one of several channels. One shell (Nivaldo Galindo) has the inverse asymmetry: shell uses 2 pollsters, pollster is 93% captive to the shell. No shell operates across many pollsters: there is no intermediary or partisan-aggregator pattern in the data.
Question
Two structural hypotheses about how shell contratantes work predict very different (shell × pollster) bipartite distributions:
- Pollster-dedicated covers: each shell exists to launder polls for one specific pollster's operation. The shell-pollster pair is a self-contained operational unit. Replicates the §2 VS Publicidade ↔ Publi. QC and FacUnicamps ↔ IPOP-Cidades cases.
- Intermediary / partisan vehicles: a shell that contracts polls across many pollsters. Suggests a funder-side aggregator (a political operative, party-adjacent vehicle, or campaign-services middleman buying from whichever pollster is available).
The two predict different concentration on the shell side: tight 1-to-1 in the first case, diffuse in the second.
Results
Shell-side concentration
| Concentration | Shells | Median top-pollster share | Pattern |
|---|---|---|---|
| TIGHT (≥80 % via one pollster) | 8 of 14 | 92 % | Shell paired to one pollster |
| MODERATE (50–80 %) | 5 of 14 | 72 % | Primarily one pollster + backup |
| DIFFUSE (<50 %) | 1 of 14 | 40 % | Distributed |
Across all 14: median 2 distinct pollsters per shell, median 85 % via the top one. No shell uses more than 8 pollsters. The intermediary / partisan-vehicle hypothesis predicts the opposite — there should be at least some shells with 5+ pollsters at <30 % top concentration. None appear.
Pollster-side reciprocity (only for the 8 TIGHT shells)
| Shell (top pollster) | Pollster's total polls | Pollster's distinct sponsors | Pollster's share via this shell | Reciprocal? |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| VS Publicidade → Publi. QC | 219 | 3 | 100 % | ✓ Tight both sides |
| FacUnicamps → IPOP-Cidades | 68 | 1 | 100 % | ✓ Tight both sides |
| Estação I → IPPI Pesquisas | 107 | 33 | 49 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
| ABC Publicidade → J J Coelho | 51 | 8 | 55 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
| Tres Marias → Instituto Franca | 110 | 21 | 24 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
| Gledson Lopes → Ivani Mota de Araujo | 60 | 14 | 40 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
| Hyago Cavalcante → Severino de Araujo | 41 | 10 | 49 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
| Assoc. Marketing MG → Tony Brand | 33 | 12 | 52 % | ✗ Pollster operates network |
Only 2 of the 8 tight-paired pollsters reciprocate the exclusivity — the two paper-§2 anchors. The other 6 paired pollsters operate diverse sponsor portfolios (8–33 distinct sponsors per pollster), and the shell is just one of several registration channels they use. The non-shell sponsors of those pollsters are some mix of real candidate committees (Routes A–D), other shells, and occasionally real media; the shell isn't the only cover but it's a meaningful component.
A useful inverse case
The MODERATE-concentration shell Nivaldo Galindo / N. R. Estúdio Multimídia (CNPJ 7257404000104, R$ 0 capital, 26 polls in PE) is interesting: from the shell side, it routes only 54 % of its polls through Ronald Dias Falabella; from the pollster side, 93 % of Ronald Dias Falabella's 15 mayoral polls in 2024 come from Nivaldo Galindo. The pollster is captive to the shell, not the other way around. Plausible reading: Ronald Dias Falabella is a small pollster whose main client is Nivaldo Galindo's operation, and Nivaldo also uses another pollster (the remaining 12 polls).
Bipartite typology
| Type | Shell-side concentration | Pollster-side reciprocity | Count | Examples |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. Tight 1-to-1 | ≥80 % | ≥80 % | 2 | VS Publicidade ↔ Publi. QC; FacUnicamps ↔ IPOP |
| 2. Shell-tight, pollster-portfolio | ≥80 % | <80 % | 6 | Estação I, ABC Publicidade, Tres Marias, Gledson Lopes, Hyago Cavalcante, Assoc. Marketing MG |
| 3. Shell-moderate, pollster-captive | 50–80 % | ≥80 % | 1 | Nivaldo Galindo (pollster 93 % captive) |
| 4. Both-moderate-or-diffuse | <80 % | <80 % | 5 | G S Negreiros, SX Empreendimentos, José Vanderlúcio, DDD91, Ramon Margiolle (diffuse) |
Interpretation
No shell is an intermediary or partisan vehicle. The hypothesis that some shells would aggregate polls across many pollsters — the signature of a funder-side middleman — is refuted by the data. The maximum number of pollsters used by any of the 14 shells is 8, and the lowest top-pollster share is 40 %.
The dominant pattern is shell-as-pollster-cover, not shell-as-funder-vehicle. 8 of 14 shells route ≥80 % through one pollster. The shell exists for the pollster's operational convenience — to register polls without naming the candidate funders behind them.
Reciprocal exclusivity is rare (2 of 8 tight pairs). The cleanest cases (VS Publicidade ↔ Publi. QC, FacUnicamps ↔ IPOP) are the ones already in paper §2, and they look the way they do because the pollster in each case is also single-sponsor — turning the bipartite relationship into a private channel between two CNPJs. Most other shell-pollster pairs are asymmetric: the shell is paired, but the pollster also takes work from other sources (some real, some shell, some mixed).
Each shell-pollster pair is a separable operational unit. No cross-pair coordination is visible from the registry — VS↔Publi.QC in São Paulo and FacUnicamps↔IPOP in Goiás look the same not because they're connected, but because each is a local instance of the same operational template.
Implication for paper framing. §2's "the cover vehicle changed across cycles; the pollster's volume did not" punchline now generalizes more carefully: it's the pollster that has continuity across cycles; the shell is the cover vehicle for one pollster's output. In the asymmetric cases, only part of the pollster's output goes through the shell, but each shell is still a pollster-specific cover, not a funder-side aggregator.
Follow-ups
Audit the Type-2 pollsters' other sponsors (extension): for the 6 shells with tight shell-side concentration but asymmetric pollsters, the remaining 51–76 % of those pollsters' polls go to other sponsors. Are those other sponsors candidate committees (Routes A–D), other shells, or real media? Auditing them would tell us whether each pollster is "real media + shell as side channel" or "shell network with the registered one being just one of many".
Type-4 shells (both diffuse) (blind spot): 5 shells have neither tight pairing nor tight reciprocity. These could be (a) opportunistic shells used by candidates for one-off contracts across the market, (b) shells in transition between paired-pollster operations, or (c) genuinely smaller-scale aggregators worth a closer look (Ramon Margiolle uses 6 pollsters — the highest in the audit).
Cross-cycle bipartite check (extension): did the same shells appear paired with the same pollsters in 2022? AN-095 documents the 2020 → 2024 self → shell shift for Publi. QC; the 2022 federal cycle has its own data and could show whether the shell-pollster pair is stable or constructed for each cycle.
Caveats
- The 14 PROBABLE_SHELL entities are AN-094's top-25 residual tier. The bipartite typology of singleton and tail shells (779 sponsors with 1 poll each in the residual) cannot be derived from this analysis — those entities by definition pair with one pollster on one poll, which is uninformative about operational structure.
- The Type-2 asymmetry "pollster operates network" doesn't itself say the network includes shells beyond the AN-094 one. Some of those 8–33 sponsors per pollster could be real candidate committees; others are probably other shells we haven't tagged. A follow-up audit would resolve this.
- The May-2025 RFB snapshot doesn't tell us whether the Sanazar / Flávio Henrique / Hyago / etc. owners are the same person across multiple shell CNPJs. A cross-shell owner network would change the "no intermediary" finding qualitatively.